The culmination of decades of Republican politics
This extraordinarily well-conceived cartoon is by David Horsey, cartoonist for the LA Times.
David Horsey Los Angeles Times Aug 21, 2012 |
This extraordinarily well-conceived cartoon is by David Horsey, cartoonist for the LA Times.
David Horsey Los Angeles Times Aug 21, 2012 |
Think Progress reviews the highlights of what is, for the most part, a massively dysfunctional set of priorities. I am in favor, though, of ongoing audits of the Federal Reserve. I do need to give credit where it is due.
Jonathan Haidt stepped back from his liberal leanings to see that that many aspects of traditional teachings of conservatism make sense. In his book, The Righteous Mind: Why Good People Are Divided by Politics and Religion, Haidt carefully notes that in recognizing some of the good aspects of conservativism, he is in no way embracing the modern American Republican Party, which declared it as a sacred quest "to sacrifice all of the good things government can do to preserve low tax rates for the wealthiest Americans." (See footnote 36). See also, Bill Moyer's recent interview with Haidt. With the above as the context, at Freakonomics, Haidt explains is change from a "liberal" to a "centrist"
Q. You say you used to be a liberal but are now a centrist. Why the change? Vincent. A. I have the personality traits, occupation, social network and lifestyle of a liberal. It was over-determined that I would be a liberal. But in 2005 I changed my research direction. I had previously studied how morality varied across nations. After a second Democratic challenger lost to George W. Bush, in part because they failed to make compelling moral arguments, I began to study left and right in the USA as though they were different cultures. Which they are. I tried to apply a cultural psychology framework to the research, meaning that I tried to understand each side from inside. I tried to get a feel for what each side held sacred, and for what values and virtues they were trying to implement in their political and economic programs. At first I disliked watching Fox News and reading National Review. But within a year, I began to see that the conservative vision of morality, history, and economics was just as coherent as the alternative liberal vision. Once I lost my feelings of repulsion and anger toward conservatism. I discovered a whole world of ideas I had never encountered. Some of them struck me as quite good, e.g., the value of institutions and traditions for creating moral order; the principle of federalism (which failed spectacularly on civil rights, but is valuable in most other cases); and the glorification of earned success while being critical of efforts to achieve equality of outcomes without attention to merit. I now hold the view that left and right are like Yin and Yang. As John Stuart Mill put it in 1859: “A party of order or stability, and a party of progress or reform, are both necessary elements of a healthy state of political life.”
I remember the presidential election of 2004, during which the armed services were flooded with the message that it was seditious to speak out against your Commander in Chief, and certainly bad to consider voting against your own commander. Luminaries of the time like Ann Coulter published the principle that anyone who casts doubt on ones president is a traitor. This was a solidly accepted conservative plank.
But the message fed to members of the armed forces has changed for the 2012 election:
This image has been going around on Facebook, among other sources. I suspect that the message they receive about their Commander in Chief is different than before. There also is a busy meme insinuating that Democrats are busily working to deny military members their right to absentee vote.
Does this mean that the military is a Republican organization? Or does it cleave to one of the Three Tea Party branches?
This article in New York Magazine discusses Ryan's fiscal vision:
In 2001, Ryan led a coterie of conservatives who complained that George W. Bush’s $1.2 trillion tax cut was too small, and too focused on the middle class. In 2003, he lobbied Republicans to pass Bush’s deficit-financed prescription-drug benefit, which bestowed huge profits on the pharmaceutical and insurance industries. In 2005, when Bush campaigned to introduce private accounts into Social Security, Ryan fervently crusaded for the concept. He was the sponsor in the House of a bill to create new private accounts funded entirely by borrowing, with no benefit cuts. Ryan’s plan was so staggeringly profligate, entailing more than $2 trillion in new debt over the first decade alone, that even the Bush administration opposed it as “irresponsible.”