U.S. Supreme Court prefers monied speech to liberated speech

The U.S. Supreme Court has continued its project of creating coin-operated elections in America, with its decision in the Arizona case of McComish v. Bennett. The Supreme Court struck down a provision of the Arizona law that would increase state candidate financing when an opponent of a clean money candidate financially increased his or her stake in dirty money. Here's how the stricken provision was described in the Court's syllabus:

They are also granted additional matching funds if a privately financed candi- date’s expenditures, combined with the expenditures of independent groups made in support of the privately financed candidate or in op- position to a publicly financed candidate, exceed the publicly financed candidate’s initial state allotment. Once matching funds are trig- gered, a publicly financed candidate receives roughly one dollar for every dollar raised or spent by the privately financed candidate— including any money of his own that a privately financed candidate spends on his campaign—and for every dollar spent by independent groups that support the privately financed candidate.
Dan Froomkin of Huffpo offers this analysis:
Arizona's law was passed in 1998 after a wave of corruption scandals. The idea was to encourage candidates to forgo the scramble for money, with all its inherent invitations to corruption -- to spend more time speaking to the electorate, and less time speaking to potential funders. In that sense, its goal was very much to increase genuine political speech. But to the Roberts court, money as speech takes precedence over speech as speech.
Justice Kagan's Dissent hammers the Majority's pro-corruption position in the form of a story:
Imagine two States, each plagued by a corrupt political system. In both States, candidates for public office accept large campaign contributions in exchange for the promise that, after assuming office, they will rank the donors’ interests ahead of all others. As a result of these bargains, politicians ignore the public interest, sound public policy languishes, and the citizens lose confidence in their government. Recognizing the cancerous effect of this corruption, voters of the first State, acting through referendum, enact several campaign finance measures previously approved by this Court. They cap campaign contributions; require disclosure of substantial donations; and create an optional public financing program that gives candidates a fixed public subsidy if they refrain from private fundraising. But these measures do not work. Individuals who “bundle” campaign contributions become indispensable to candidates in need of money. Simple disclosure fails to prevent shady dealing. And candidates choose not to participate in the public financing system because the sums provided do not make them competitive with their privately financed opponents. So the State remains afflicted with corruption. Voters of the second State, having witnessed this failure, take an ever-so-slightly different tack to cleaning up their political system. They too enact contribution limits and disclosure requirements. But they believe that the greatest hope of eliminating corruption lies in creating an effective public financing program, which will break candidates’ dependence on large donors and bundlers. [More ...]

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Now I can estimate how many more bars of soap I’ll buy before I die

Now I've got myself a soap clock. Back in January, 2008, I bought a 16- pack of soap at Costco.  After bringing it home, I was inspired to write a post called "How many more bars of soap will I buy before I die?" As of today, the last bar of soap from that pack is almost gone. My house has several bathrooms, and I tend to use one of them, almost exclusively, and that's were that pack of soap was located. Therefore, I can attribute most of the soap use to me. Therefore, I used 16 bars of soap in about 42 months, meaning I use a bar of soap every 2.6 months or, conversely, I use .38 bars of soap per month. Now, going to the life expectancy tables, I see that I will likely live till age 93, but that seems awfully generous.  This clock says I'll only live until Thursday, February 7, 2030 (19 more years).   And here is a detailed calculator that takes into account many factors, and it tells me I'll live until 83, which means I'll live 28 more years.   28 years = 336 months.   Sounds like a good average. All I needed to do was translate years into bars of soap, and that is accomplished with simple multiplication: 336 month x .38 bars/month = 127 bars of soap.  If I keep buying big 16-bar value packs, I'm only going to buy 8 more packs of soap before I die.   This makes soap a precious commodity, indeed.   On the other hand, anything you regularly use (pens, eggs, birthday cakes) can serve as a clock. In case you think I'm obsessed with death, you're probably right--this is one of the sites that fascinate me.

Continue ReadingNow I can estimate how many more bars of soap I’ll buy before I die

A most unusual museum in Cambodia

Have you ever been to a landmine museum? Neither have I, but two friends just returned from incredibly beautiful country of Cambodia, which is still feeling the effects of horrific periods of war and unrest. And one can still find live landmines--there are millions of them in Cambodia, many of those landmines being "found" by current amputees. Which leads to the story of the Cambodia Landmine Museum, founded by a man named Aki Ra. His goal: "I want to make my country safe for my people."

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Wireless phone company monopoly means 7,314% mark-ups.

Data should be data to a phone company, right?   No, no.  Not when there's big money to be squeezed out of consumers.  Therefore, the data the phone companies transfer as text massages will cost you 7314% as much as data sold to you when you transfer data through your phone operating as a modem. Having the functional equivalent of one big wireless phone company, which is where we're headed, is like living in a communist country.  The gouging consumers take in the markup of texting is proof.   The other proof is that the FCC in the process trashing net neutrality in the wire markets.    If our politicians weren't functional psychotics, they would clean up this mess in a week by breaking up the phone companies so that we had real competition, and then, for good measure, passing a constitutional amendment declaring that corporations are not people and forbidding corporations from playing any part in the electoral process.

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Republican mythology

I have often written that Democrats have been thoroughly corrupted by our campaign finance system, which encourages bribes and graft.   Equally so, have the Republicans been corrupted, but Republican politicians carry the weight of a long litany of absurd beliefs that they espouse with religious zeal.  This St. Louis Post-Dispatch opinion piece lists eight of the big ones, including:

• They must believe, despite the evidence of the 2008 financial collapse, that unregulated — or at most, lightly regulated — financial markets are good for America and the world.

• GOP candidates must scoff at scientific consensus about global warming. Blame it on human activity? Bad. Cite Noah's Ark as evidence? Good. They must express at least some doubt about the science of evolution.

• They must insist, statistics and evidence to the contrary, that most of the nation's energy needs can be met safely with more domestic oil drilling, "clean-coal" technology and greater reliance on perfectly safe nuclear power plants.

• They must believe that the Founding Fathers wanted to guarantee individuals the absolute right to own high-capacity, rapid-fire weapons that did not exist in the late 18th century.

Stunningly, none of these beliefs is founded on facts or self-critical thinking.   As Eric Hoffer pointed out long ago, this lack of objective evidence presents no problem for true believers.

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