Art and the subversion of money-values

I am extremely fortunate to be in a city (St. Louis) where a group of dedicated civic leaders arranged for the opening of a new public charter school for the arts opened last year. It is called Grand Center Arts Academy; it has three grade levels this year--sixth through eighth grades--and it will add one grade level each year, eventually including grades six through twelve. How unusual and wonderful that one can find such a publicly-funded arts oasis at a time when so many schools are cutting their arts classes in order to concentrate on "essentials." In the September/October 2011 edition of Orion Magazine, Jay Griffiths is tired of defending the arts. Why defend them any longer, when you can use the topic of public funding of the arts to slash at the deep rotten core of the belief that money is the measure of all things? Here's an excerpt from what Griffiths has to say in his excellent short article, titled "The Exile of the Arts" (This article does not appear to be available online at this time).

Disregarding art's transcendent value, modern states ask the arts to justify themselves in commercial terms, money the only measure to calculate a simile, to price the melody of a violin, and to calibrate the value of transformation. A phoenix must write its own cost-benefit analysis. While art tells multiple stories, knows the plural values of beauty, dream, and meaning, money tells a monstrosity. Money should never be the judge of art, but its servant: funding it, supporting it, aiding it. Perhaps one of the reasons for the hostility against the arts today is precisely that they are implacable witnesses against this terrible lie of our times: that money is the measure of all. Art refutes this lie, disentangles "money" from "values," and argues with its deepest authority that there is another sky, intimate and boundless, open to all, where the poet can tow a star across the liquid river of night, like a child with a toy boat on a string.

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Grover Norquist and Ed Rendell discuss taxes and the economy

Pennsylvania Governor Ed Rendell worked overtime keeping up with the arguments of  "drown government in a bathtub" Grover Norquist. Interesting, how Rendell admits many points of agreement with Norquist, yet Norquist can't summon up the courage to admit any points of agreement with Rendell.  This unwillingness to engage has come to be one of the most salient badges of modern conservatism. I agree with Norquist that there are many questionable government expenditures, state and federal.  But who would disagree with this?  The question then becomes "What are we going to do going forward?"  Rendell agrees that that there are wasteful expenditures and that we need identify them and cut them, but asserts that there are many projects deserving the investment of tax dollars because society will be much better off with government making these valuable investments that would not be supported by private profit-taking. Norquist displays an extremely narrow view of the appropriate role for government.  He detests mass transit, though he tolerates road construction.  He displays no sympathy for poor or working people who depend on mass transit.  He sees all public union pensions as wasteful (regardless of the fact that many public employees have historically taken a hit in annual salary with the expectation that this deficit would be made up in their pension plan). He detests environmentalists, without displaying any acknowledgment that their goals are at least sometimes laudable. He argues that because corruption and "free riders" are inherent to the existence of government, we should throw out the baby with the bathwater. Norquist argues (at 5 min. mark)  that there are only two metrics of economic growth:  A) economic growth (= per capita income) and B) the "size of government" (= government spending as a percentage of GDP).  Entirely lacking from his world view is any measure of quality of life.  That subterranean rift divides Norquist's view from my own.  I believe that we need to take into account a moral obligation to maintain a quality of life that assumes that not all Americans can afford the basic human necessities that they deserve (e.g., a basic level of health care), and that these things should be considered by our government to be basic human rights. This is the first time I've seen Norquist speak. I can sense his Ayn Randian free market fundamentalism, even though it wasn't explored openly in this video. Instead, that dark id that drives him along is the man hiding behind the curtain labelled simply ("No Taxation!"). Norquist's conversation with Governor Rendell (who is a well-informed and proficient public speaker) is a civil and informative conversation that allowed me to better understand the various ways in which I occasionally agree, but mostly disagree with Norquist's viewpoint. Video streaming by Ustream

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As Texas burns, Rick Perry doesn’t want to talk free-market philosophy

The hypocrisy is pointed out by The Young Turks: Here's what Perry did to the fire-fighting budget:

The wildfires threatening Dunkerley and her neighbors are being met by an inadequately funded response team. Back in May, Texas Gov. Rick Perry (R) signed a budget presented by the state legislature that cut funding for the state agency in charge of combating such blazes. The Texas Forest Service's funding was sliced from $117.7 million to $83 million. More devastating cuts hit the assistance grants to volunteer fire departments around the state. Those grants were slashed 55 percent from $30 million per year in 2010 and 2011 to $13.5 million per year in 2012 and 2013. Those cuts are effective now.
Apparently, the "free market" isn't enough to fight these fires. "Perry has now asked President Obama for a disaster declaration which, if granted, would help the state by paying for 75% of the firefighting costs. Rick Perry has vilified "government." He thinks that good things will simply happen, despite the lack of government organization and funding. This is a position contradicted by ubiquitous evidence, including the fires now raging around Rick Perry. His free market fundamentalism, bereft of evidence, is a dangerous religious belief. To be clear, I'm not advocating big government, per se. I understand Rick Perry's concern about large-scale government reallocation schemes, but the answer is not to completely dismantle government. I'm advocating smart government. We should reallocate tax money we are currently wasting (e.g., much of the military budget, corn ethanol, propping up too-big-to-fail-megabanks) and we should put it into things that really work to benefit the citizens and strengthen the economy (e.g., energy conservation, sustainable energy and early childhood education).

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The so-called free-market miracle of Texas

Daniel Gross pulls out real numbers to show that the economic "miracle" of Texas was made possible by massive growth of state government:

[T]here's less than meets the eye to the Texas miracle. When a state's population grows, it has to add more public employees to provide services — more cops, more teachers, more DMV clerks. This chart posted by Ryan Avent of the Economist shows that Texas's jobs growth in recent years has come mostly from the oil and gas industry, and from things funded by the government: education, healthcare, and federal and state employment. This chart posted by blogger Matt Yglesias shows that Texas's government payroll has been in a huge, long-term uptrend. Jared Bernstein, former economic aide to Vice President Joe Biden, notes that Rick Perry's Texas has been the capital of government job creation. From 2007 through 2010, Texas lost 53,000 jobs on net, not a bad performance in an era when the U.S. economy shed several million. But that's because it lost 178,000 private sector jobs while adding 125,000 public sector ones. Notes Bernstein: "47% of all government jobs added in the US between 2007 and 2010 were added in Texas."
But there's more . . . In 2010, while Rick Perry was railing against government spending his actions betrayed his words:
Perry himself entered Texas into controversial contracts with Washington lobbyists who helped bring billions of dollars in federal money to Perry's home state, some of it via earmarks. Some of those lobbyists would wind up pleading guilty in a separate major bribery scandal.

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